ER101 - A Crash course on Eritrea
Eritrea was shaped by war and power. The government, which could be described as paranoid, isolationist, and harsh in its punishments, has been under the leadership of Isaias Afwerki for as long as anyone can remember. Since 1991, marking the entire duration of Eritrea's independence, he has ruled with typical dictatorial characteristics. A military commander turned president, Afwerki has been paranoid about foreign powers, arrested opposition leaders, and detained many citizens for arbitrary reasons. One common method of detention involves confining dozens of people at a time inside shipping containers, which can reach extreme temperatures of 60 to 70 degrees Celsius. This is just a glimpse of the torture and abuse that soldiers face.
In 1998, any hope for regional development was lost, marking the start of an era where conscription was extended from 18 months to an indefinite period, often lasting 25 to 30 years. This policy turned into forced labor, eroding the powers of society. Elections scheduled for 1997 were postponed to 2001 due to the war and then again due to occupation of part of the country. To date, there have been no elections since independence. The last local elections were held in 2000. The PFDJ, the ruling party, distrusts even small-town mayors. In 2001, newspapers were shut down, and journalists, along with many entrepreneurs and business owners, were arrested for challenging Afwerki.
Reports have surfaced of soldiers conducting door-to-door searches under the guise of data collection, targeting draft dodgers and those who fled the country. Escaping the country requires getting past heavily guarded borders, often involving bribery or violence. If caught, a family member might be forced into conscription or arrested as punishment.
It's no surprise, then, that Eritrea is often called Africa's North Korea. However, it differs from North Korea, the so-called hermit kingdom, in some key aspects. Firstly, Eritrea does not possess a nuclear weapons program, making it less of a threat to its neighbors. Secondly, Eritreans can potentially return to their country, albeit with difficulties, unlike North Koreans, who are considered dead to their country upon leaving. Thirdly, Eritreans have more exposure to the outside world through TV and the internet, although access is still limited and heavily monitored by the government. Lastly, Eritrean loyalty is expected to be towards the nationalistic and triumphant state and military, rather than to a ruling family.